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Thread: Don And Derek Black Show Goes Silent After Nearly Three Years Of Promoting The Stormfront Pro-White Message On AM Radio

  1. #21
    Join Date
    Jan 2010

    Default White Nationalists (especially the leaders) are nothing but a movement of traitors, bs artists, and liars.

    White Nationalists (especially the leaders) are nothing but a movement of traitors, bs artists, and liars.


    I’m sure that “elite” college education was paid for by those evil White nationalists supporting his family all those years.

    White Nationalists (especially the leaders) are nothing but a movement of traitors, bs artists, and liars.


    Ulfric says:
    July 17, 2013 at 7:50 pm

    Numero Uno of Meercats

  2. #22
    Meercat #4's Avatar
    Meercat #4 is offline A Meercat, not a Meercunt Veteran Member Meercat #4 is on a distinguished road
    Join Date
    Jan 2010
    Somewhere in a hole near jew!!!

    Default What made the lil whigger peckerwood turn?

    What made the lil whigger peckerwood turn?


    If the account is true it would be a bonanza for the anti-Whites. I hope it is bogus.

    If not, my guess would be the kid was under tremendous pressure being called a bigot, racist, anti-semitic hater. As a college student he would be an outcast to most of the students and possibly threatened daily.

    Because of his name and associations it would be absolutely impossible to forge a career for himself in in any field outside of his circle.

    Always seemed like a nice kid who was pampered a bit.

    His long hair and clothing could give the impression of being pretentious and slightly light in the loafers or odd to a degree, but Hunter just shot that theory down.

    Jew gal pal? Offers to write a book making him an instant millionaire?


    Sam says:
    July 17, 2013 at 8:16 pm


    Itz Fun Being A Witless Meercat!!!

  3. #23
    Join Date
    May 2009

    Default Racists React With Shock, Anger to Fellow Activist’s Renunciation

    Racists React With Shock, Anger to Fellow Activist’s Renunciation


    White nationalists, learning yesterday of activist Derek Black’s renouncing of the movement, reacted with disbelief, conspiracy theories and unbridled fury. But it was the fact that Black, son of the former Alabama Klan leader who now runs the largest racist Web forum in the world, made his comments to the Southern Poverty Law Center that seemed to be the single factor that most rankled the racist world.

    The reaction that may have been the most noticed came from Don Black, who expressed his shock about his son’s comments on his Stormfront blog. “Derek was here all weekend, helping us build and replace old windows” at the family home in West Palm Beach, Fla., the elder Black wrote. “He’s made it annoyingly obvious over the past few months he was no longer interested in WN [white nationalist] activism, but he always said he was still WN. I knew the Jews at the Poverty Palace [SPLC] were working hard, since he would be such a big prize for them.

    “But he didn’t give us a clue as to what he planned today.”

    “I don’t want to talk to him, but his big sister called him, and he confirmed that he had written what the SPLC posted,” Black added. “He says he doesn’t understand why we’d feel betrayed just because he announced his ‘personal beliefs’ to our worst enemies. Oh well. Just when I thought I couldn’t lose anything else.”

    On Vanguard News Network (VNN), another racist Web forum, one Leonard Rouse sounded similar. “He sent an email, meant for publication, to his worst enemy, repudiating everything he formerly stood for and that his father claimed and claims to stand for. …. I want to give people the benefit of the doubt, but Jesus.”

    Others were far harsher. On the white nationalist Occidental Dissent website, “Maxfield Parrish” didn’t hold back. “He is a traitor, one without hope and one without redemption,” he said of Derek Black, 24. “Should WN’s ever seize power his name should figure prominently on the ‘Hunt Down List.’” Parrish went on to describe how the younger Black should be “softened up with brass knuckles to the face and groin, then water-boarded,” ultimately “reducing him to a quivering, gelatinous lump of obedient flesh,” before being exiled to Africa.

    “He is now an open enemy of the survival of the race,” said a VNN posting from “N.B. Forrest” — a reference to Nathan Bedford Forrest, an antebellum owner of a major slaveyard, Confederate general and first national leader of the Ku Klux Klan.

    Others, less furiously, were shocked by what they saw as Black’s adoption of “politically correct” language — talking about “people of color,” “structural oppression,” the need for affirmative action and so on. Some were particularly incensed that he apologized for actions that had harmed minorities and “activists striving for opportunity and fairness for all.” Doubtless, that sounded suspiciously like SPLC staffers to many of those reacting angrily to Black’s statement.

    “Black has not only rejected WNism, he appears to have embraced the hardest of hardcore anti-racism in the process, and with the zeal of a convert,” a poster who gave his name only as Lew complained on the Occidental Dissent thread. “He covered the bases in regurgitating every anti-white cliché I can think of.”

    Numerous posters on racist websites theorized that Derek Black had taken up with a Jewish, liberal or non-white girlfriend; that he was secretly gay; that he was acting out of anger at his father; that he was being blackmailed by the SPLC with an unspecified secret; or that he was still a believer, but wanted a normal life.

    There were a few who tried to look at their own movement for answers. On Occidental Dissent, “Pro White Joe,” who is actually well-known Montana neo-Nazi April Gaede, said the problem with the white nationalist movement was its “overwhelming Negativity.” “The problem I see with WN and Nationalist websites in general, is you go to them expecting WN to be about ‘identity, preservation and self determination for Whites’ — Yet almost all of the discussion is rants about ‘niggers, jews and nazis’ and everyone is angry and paranoid.” Gaede is the mother of two daughters who once formed a racist band, Prussian Blue, but who have since renounced white nationalism like Derek Black.

    And then there were those who acknowledged the most obvious conclusion — that it’s an error to indoctrinate young children and then expect them to hold to those beliefs as they become adults. “It’s a mistake to involve kids in the Movement, as we have learned the hard way,” “Kievasky” wrote on the Occidental Dissent thread. “Teach your kids right and wrong but don’t use them as spokesmen or public faces for anything. Religions do that too — they force children to publicly announce beliefs when they are too young to even have formed beliefs. You got to let kids be kids. White nationalism is like booze, guns and fast cars — for adults only.”

    I am The Librarian

  4. #24
    Join Date
    May 2009

    Default The white flight of Derek Black

    The white flight of Derek Black


    Derek Black, 27, whigger pussazoid, lived off of his Daddy's Racial Nutwerk, then went to kollidge to becum an overt whigger pussy.


    Their public conference had been interrupted by a demonstration march and a bomb threat, so the white nationalists decided to meet secretly instead. They slipped past police officers and protesters into a hotel in downtown Memphis. The country had elected its first black president just a few days earlier, and now in November 2008, dozens of the world’s most prominent racists wanted to strategize for the years ahead.

    “The fight to restore White America begins now,” their agenda read.

    The room was filled in part by former heads of the Ku Klux Klan and prominent neo-Nazis, but one of the keynote speeches had been reserved for a Florida community college student who had just turned 19. Derek Black was already hosting his own radio show. He had launched a white nationalist website for children and won a local political election in Florida. “The leading light of our movement,” was how the conference organizer introduced him, and then Derek stepped to the lectern.

    “The way ahead is through politics,” he said. “We can infiltrate. We can take the country back.”

    Years before Donald Trump launched a presidential campaign based in part on the politics of race and division, a group of avowed white nationalists was working to make his rise possible by pushing its ideology from the radical fringes ever closer to the far conservative right. Many attendees in Memphis had transformed over their careers from Klansmen to white supremacists to self-described “racial realists,” and Derek Black represented another step in that evolution.

    He never used racial slurs. He didn’t advocate violence or lawbreaking. He had won a Republican committee seat in Palm Beach County, Fla., where Trump also had a home, without ever mentioning white nationalism, talking instead about the ravages of political correctness, affirmative action and unchecked Hispanic immigration.

    He was not only a leader of racial politics but also a product of them. His father, Don Black, had created Stormfront, the Internet’s first and largest white nationalist site, with 300,000 users and counting. His mother, Chloe, had once been married to David Duke, one of the country’s most infamous racial zealots, and Duke had become Derek’s godfather. They had raised Derek at the forefront of the movement, and some white nationalists had begun calling him “the heir.”

    Now Derek spoke in Memphis about the future of their ideology. “The Republican Party has to be either demolished or taken over,” he said. “I’m kind of banking on the Republicans staking their claim as the white party.”

    A few people in the audience started to clap, and then a few more began to whistle, and before long the whole group was applauding. “Our moment,” Derek said, because at least in this room there was consensus. They believed white nationalism was about to drive a political revolution. They believed, at least for the moment, that Derek would help lead it.

    “Years from now, we will look back on this,” he said. “The great intellectual move to save white people started today.”



    Senile old ZOGtard Don Black is trying to coonvince his $permFart fuktards to keep sending in the ZOGbux as Baby Black sucks kosher kawk.


    Eight years later, that future they envisioned in Memphis was finally being realized in the presidential election of 2016. Donald Trump was retweeting white supremacists. Hillary Clinton was making speeches about the rise of white hate and quoting David Duke, who had launched his own campaign for the U.S. Senate.

    White nationalism had bullied its way toward the very center of American politics, and yet, one of the people who knew the ideology best was no longer anywhere near that center. Derek had just turned 27, and instead of leading the movement, he was trying to untangle himself not only from the national moment but also from a life he no longer understood.

    From the very beginning, that life had taken place within the insular world of white nationalism, where there was never any doubt about what whiteness could mean in the United States. Derek had been taught that America was intended as a place for white Europeans and that everyone else would eventually have to leave. He was told to be suspicious of other races, of the U.S. government, of tap water and of pop culture. His parents pulled him out of public school in West Palm Beach at the end of third grade, when they heard his black teacher say the word “ain’t.” By then, Derek was one of only a few white students in a class of mostly Hispanics and Haitians, and his parents decided he would be better off at home.

    “It is a shame how many White minds are wasted in that system,” Derek wrote shortly thereafter, on the Stormfront children’s website he built at age 10. “I am no longer attacked by gangs of non whites. I am learning pride in myself, my family and my people.”


    BabyBlack the clown prince then 9, poses before Mississippi Klanazoid whiggers.


    Because he was home-schooled, white nationalism could become a focus of his education. It also meant he had the freedom to begin traveling with his father, who left for several weeks each year to speak at white nationalist conferences in the Deep South. Don Black had grown up in Alabama, where in the 1970s, he joined a group called the White Youth Alliance, led by David Duke, who at the time was married to Chloe. That relationship eventually dissolved, and years later, Don and Chloe reconnected, married and had Derek in 1989. They moved into Chloe’s childhood home in West Palm Beach to raise Derek along with Chloe’s two young daughters. There were Guatemalan immigrants living down the block and Jewish retirees moving into a condo nearby. “Usurpers,” Don sometimes called them, but Chloe didn’t want to move away from her aging mother in Florida, so Don settled for taking long road trips to the whitest parts of the South.

    Don and Derek always stayed on those trips with Don’s friends from the white power movement, and soon Derek had heard many of their stories. There was the time his father, then 16, was shot in the chest while working on a segregationist campaign in Georgia. There was the day in 1981 when he and eight other extremists made plans to board a boat stocked with dynamite, automatic weapons and a Nazi flag. Their plan, called Operation Red Dog, was to take over the tiny Caribbean island nation of Dominica, but instead Don had been caught, arrested and sentenced to three years in prison. He learned some computer programming in federal prison and eventually launched Stormfront in 1995 under the motto: “White Pride World Wide.”

    Over the years, his website attracted all kinds of extremists: skinheads, militia groups, terrorists and Holocaust deniers. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, a hate-watch group, a handful of the people who posted on Stormfront had gone on to commit hate crimes, including killings. One message board user shot and wounded three children at a Jewish day-care center in Los Angeles in 1999. Another killed his Jewish neighbor in 2000 in a town near Pittsburgh. “We attract too many sociopaths,” Don posted, and he decided that more moderation would give Stormfront greater mainstream credibility.

    By then Stormfront had become his full-time job, even though he wasn’t making much money and the family was getting by on Chloe’s salary as an executive assistant. Each morning, she would go to work, and Don would go to his crowded desk in their single-story house, where he recruited authors and academics from the alternative right to post on his site.

    In 2008, he banned slurs, Nazi symbols and threats of violence, even as other parts of his own language remained unchanged. He didn’t have friends so much as “comrades.” Everyone was either “with us” or “against us,” “sympathetic” or an “enemy,” so Derek strengthened his relationship with his father by becoming his greatest ideological ally.

    Derek learned Web coding and designed the Stormfront site for children. He was interviewed about hate speech on Nickelodeon, daytime talk shows, HBO and in USA Today. “The devil child,” was how Don sometimes referred to him, with pride and affection.

    But Don also read through nasty emails his son received from strangers who were offended by the Stormfront children’s page, and he began to worry about a 13-year-old who was becoming so familiar with the two-way transaction of prejudice and hate.

    “You will rot in hell,” read one email, in 2002.

    “I WISH you were in the same room as me right now,” read another. “You would have to eat through a straw, you low life scumbag.”

    Don told Derek to stop checking his messages. He would later remember wondering: “Did I foist this onto him? Is he just doing this for me?” He asked Derek whether he wanted to shut down the children’s page, but Derek said the emails didn’t bother him. That was the enemy. Who cared what they thought?


    Don Black, Head Klucker from 1982, just before it got involved with trying to overthrow Caribbean niggers.


    After that, Don began to see something different when he looked at his son: not just a child born into the movement but also an emerging leader, with drive and conviction that seemed entirely his own. Don had spent more than four decades waiting for whites to have a racial awakening in America, and now he began to think that the teenager living in his house could be a potential catalyst.

    “All of my strengths without any of my weaknesses,” Don would later say about Derek back then. “He was smarter than me. He had more insight. He never held himself back.”

    So many others in white nationalism had come to their conclusions out of anger and fear, but Derek tended to like most people he met, regardless of race. Instead, he sought out logic and science to confirm his worldview, reading studies from conservative think tanks about biological differences between races, IQ disparities and rates of violent crime committed by blacks against whites. He launched a daily radio show to share his views, and Don paid $275 each week to have it broadcast on the AM station in nearby Lake Worth. On the air, Derek helped popularize the idea of a white genocide, that whites were losing their culture and traditions to massive, nonwhite immigration. “If we say it a thousand times — ‘White genocide! We are losing control of our country!’ — politicians are going to start saying it, too,” he said. He repeated the idea in interviews, Stormfront posts and during his speech at the conference in Memphis, when he was at his most certain.

    Derek finished high school, enrolled in community college and ran for a seat on the Republican committee, beating an incumbent with 60 percent of the vote. He decided he wanted to study medieval European history, so he applied to New College of Florida, a top-ranked liberal arts school with a strong history program.

    “We want you to make history, not just study it,” Don and Chloe sometimes reminded him.

    New College ranked as one of the most liberal schools in the state — “most pot-friendly, most gay-friendly,” Don explained on the radio — and to some white nationalists, it seemed a bizarre choice. Once, on the air, a friend asked Don whether he worried about sending his son to a “hotbed of multiculturalism,” and Don started to laugh.

    “If anyone is going to be influenced here, it will be them,” he said. “Soon enough, the whole faculty and student body are going to know who they have in their midst.”

    At first they knew nothing about him, and Derek tried to keep it that way. New College was in Sarasota, three hours across the state, and it was the first time Derek had lived away from home. He attended an introductory college meeting about diversity and concluded that the quickest way to be ostracized was to proclaim himself a racist. He decided not to mention white nationalism on campus, at least until he had made some friends.

    Most of the other students in his dorm were college freshmen, and as a 21-year-old transfer student, Derek already had a car and a legal ID to buy beer. The qualities that had once made him seem quirky — shoulder-length red hair, the cowboy hat he wore, a passion for medieval re-enactment — made him a good fit for New College, where many of the 800 students were a little bit weird. He forged his own armor and dressed as a knight for Halloween. He watched zombie movies with students from his dorm, a group that included a Peruvian immigrant and an Orthodox Jew.

    Maybe they were usurpers, as his father had said, but Derek also kind of liked them, and gradually he went from keeping his convictions quiet to actively disguising them. When another student mentioned that he had been reading about the racist implications of “Lord of the Rings” on a website called Stormfront, Derek pretended he had never heard of it.

    Meanwhile, early each weekday morning, he would go outside and call in to his radio show. He told friends these were regular calls home to his parents, and in a way, that was true. Every morning, it was Derek and his father, cued in by music from Merle Haggard’s “I’m a White Boy.” Derek often repeated his belief that whites were being wiped out — “a genocide in our own country,” he said. He told listeners the problem was “massive, nonwhite immigration.” He said Obama was an “anti-white radical.” He said white voters were “just waiting for a politician who actually talks about all the ways whites are being stepped on.” He said it was the “critical fight of our lifetime.” Then he hung up and went back to the dorm to play Taylor Swift songs on his guitar or to take one of the college’s sailboats onto Sarasota Bay.

    He left after one semester to study abroad in Germany, because he wanted to learn the language. He kept in touch with New College partly through a student message board, known as the forum, whose updates were automatically sent to his email.

    One night in April 2011, Derek noticed a message posted to all students at 1:56 a.m. It was written by someone Derek didn’t know — an upperclassman who had been researching terrorist groups online when he stumbled across a familiar face.

    “Have you seen this man?” the message read, and beneath those words was a picture that was unmistakable. The red hair. The cowboy hat.

    “Derek black: white supremacist, radio host…new college student???” the post read. “How do we as a community respond?”


    I am The Librarian

  5. #25
    Join Date
    May 2014
    Living off the whiggaz-mites

    Default Muh Worthless Squirt Gots Stockholm Syndrome

    Muh Worthless Squirt Gots Stockholm Syndrome


    Stockholm Syndrome is the most likely explanation, irrespective of how much Derek may resent that diagnosis.

    Lots of drama in the original, long Washington Post feature story, but I think that medium might clarify for many of our people the fundamental, life-and-death issues. The mushy liberals and hardcore anti-Whites will remain that way, gloating about the "triumph of love and diversity," but others will think.

    Derek sent me a photo of the paper edition. Interesting photo layout.


  6. #26
    Join Date
    Nov 2016

    Default For Thanksgiving I decided to shit on Daddy and the Whigger Nutsionalists some more.

    For Thanksgiving I decided to shit on Daddy and the Whigger Nutsionalists some more.

    Other Than Because I'm A Whigger Cuck Pussy, Why I Left White Nationalism


    I could easily have spent the night of Nov. 8 elated, surrounded by friends and family, thinking: “We did it. We rejected a multicultural and globalist society. We defied the elites, rejected political correctness, and made a statement millions of Americans have wanted to shout for decades.”

    I’d be planning with other white nationalists what comes next, and assessing just how much influence our ideology would have on this administration. That’s who I was a few years ago.

    Things look very different for me now. I am far away from the community that I grew up in, and that I once hoped could lead our country to a moment like this.

    I was born into a prominent white nationalist family — David Duke is my godfather, and my dad started Stormfront, the first major white nationalist website — and I was once considered the bright future of the movement.

    In 2008, at age 19, I ran for and won a Palm Beach County Republican committee seat a few months before Barack Obama was elected president. I received national media attention and for a while couldn’t go out without being congratulated for “telling them what’s what.”

    I grew up in West Palm Beach across the water from Donald J. Trump’s Mar-a-Lago estate, and he was always a loud presence in the neighborhood. I would drive a pickup truck with a Confederate flag sticker past his driveway each morning on my way to the beach and my family would walk out into the front yard to watch his fireworks on New Year’s Eve.

    It surprises me now how often Mr. Trump and my 19-year-old self would have agreed on our platforms: tariffs to bring back factory jobs, increased policing of black communities, deporting illegal workers and the belief that American culture was threatened. I looked at my white friends and family who felt dispossessed, at the untapped political support for anyone — even a kid like me — who wasn’t afraid to talk about threats to our people from outsiders, and I knew not only that white nationalism was right, but that it could win.

    Several years ago, I began attending a liberal college where my presence prompted huge controversy. Through many talks with devoted and diverse people there — people who chose to invite me into their dorms and conversations rather than ostracize me — I began to realize the damage I had done. Ever since, I have been trying to make up for it.

    For a while after I left the white nationalist movement, I thought my upbringing made me exaggerate the likelihood of a larger political reaction to demographic change. Then Mr. Trump gave his Mexican “rapists” speech and I spent the rest of the election wondering how much my movement had set the stage for his. Now I see the anger I was raised with rocking the nation.

    People have approached me looking for a way to change the minds of Trump voters, but I can’t offer any magic technique. That kind of persuasion happens in person-to-person interactions and it requires a lot of honest listening on both sides. For me, the conversations that led me to change my views started because I couldn’t understand why anyone would fear me. I thought I was only doing what was right and defending those I loved.

    I think the “Hamilton” cast modeled well one way to make that same connection when they appealed to Vice President-elect Mike Pence from the stage: “We, sir — we — are the diverse America who are alarmed and anxious that your new administration will not protect us.” Afterward, the actor Brandon Victor Dixon explained, “I hope he thinks of us every time he has to deal with an issue or talk about a bill or present anything.” I’m sure Mr. Pence believes his policies are just. But now he has heard from individuals who are worried about those policies. That might open him to new conversations.

    I never would have begun my own conversations without first experiencing clear and passionate outrage to what I believed from those I interacted with. Now is the time for me to pass on that outrage by clearly and unremittingly denouncing the people who used a wave of white anger to take the White House.

    Mr. Trump’s comments during the campaign echoed how I also tapped into less-than-explicit white nationalist ideology to reach relatively moderate white Americans. I went door-to-door in 2008 talking about how Hispanic immigration was overwhelming “American” culture, how black neighborhoods were hotbeds of crime, and how P.C. culture didn’t let us talk about any of it. I won that small election with 60 percent of the vote.

    A substantial portion of the American public has made clear that it feels betrayed by the establishment, and so it elected a president who denounces all Muslims as potential conspirators in terrorism; who sees black communities as crime-ridden; who taps into white American mistrust of foreigners, particularly of Hispanics; and who promises the harshest form of immigration control. If we thought Mr. Trump himself might backtrack on some of this, we are now watching him fill a cabinet with people able to make that campaign rhetoric into real policy.

    Much has been made of the incoherence of Mr. Trump’s proposals, but what really matters is who does — and doesn’t — need to fear them. None of the ideas that Mr. Trump has put forward would endanger me, and I once enthusiastically advocated for most of what he says. No proposal to put more cops in black neighborhoods to stop and frisk residents would cause me to be harassed. A ban on Muslim immigration doesn’t implicate all people who look like me in terrorism. Overturning Roe v. Wade will not force me to make a dangerous choice about my health, nor will a man who personifies sexual assault without penalty make me any less safe. When the most powerful demographic in the United States came together to assert that making America great again meant asserting their supremacy, they were asserting my supremacy.

    The wave of violence and vile language that has risen since the election is only one immediate piece of evidence that this campaign’s reckless assertion of white identity comes at a huge cost. More and more people are being forced to recognize now what I learned early: Our country is susceptible to some of our worst instincts when the message is packaged correctly.

    No checks and balances can redeem what we’ve unleashed. The reality is that half of the voters chose white supremacy, though saying that makes me a hypocrite. I was a much more extreme partisan than a vast majority of Trump voters and I never would have recognized that label.

    The motivations that led to this choice are more complex. I have no doubt many of his supporters voted thinking he’d soften his rhetoric, that his words didn’t really matter. The words were not disqualifying for them because they don’t see, or refuse to see, what the message of hate will reap.

    Most of Mr. Trump’s supporters did not intend to attack our most vulnerable citizens. But with him in office we have a duty to protect those who are threatened by this administration and to win over those who don’t recognize the impact of their vote. Even those on the furthest extreme of the white nationalist spectrum don’t recognize themselves doing harm — I know that because it was easy for me, too, to deny it.

    That is the opening for those of us who disagree with Mr. Trump. It’s now our job to argue constantly that what voters did in elevating this man to the White House constitutes the greatest assault on our own people in a generation, and to offer another option.

    There are millions of Americans who don’t understand why anyone might worry about the effects of this election. They see it as “feelings” versus their own real concerns. Those of us on the other side need to be clear that Mr. Trump’s callous disregard for people outside his demographic is intolerable, and will be destructive to the entire nation.

    If I had not changed, I would have been jubilant after this election and more certain than ever that anxiety from a shrinking white majority would result in the election of more people who tap into this simple narrative. Now I’m convinced this doesn’t have to be our destiny.

    Mr. Trump’s victory must make all Americans acknowledge that the choice of embracing or rejecting multiculturalism is not abstract. I know this better than most, because I’ve followed both paths. It is the choice of embracing or rejecting our own people.

    R. Derek Black is a graduate student in history, focusing on the early Middle Ages.

    Derek Black(stein) took the ZOGbux of Daddy's Whigger Nutsionalist Cucks . . .
    . . . Then went fool pussazoid jewboy cuckazoid, cum-cum, cum-cum!!!

    The fambly bizness:

  7. #27
    $permFart Meercat 1 is offline One of ten-thousand Junior Member $permFart Meercat 1 is an unknown quantity at this point
    Join Date
    Sep 2015

    Default The Head ZOGbot Don Black told me to delete jewr ungratefool ass for mentioning how much $permfartian geezer-gelt was wasted on Don's faggy cuck squir

    The Head ZOGbot Don Black told me to delete jewr ungratefool ass for mentioning how much $permfartian geezer-gelt was wasted on Don's faggy cuck squirt


    Quote Originally Posted by Kveldulfr the newly banned
    https://www.stormfront.org/forum/t1188500/#post13806342 Post deleted, user banned

    I wonder how much of those sustaining membership fees went to put this little expletive into the liberal university indoctrination center in the first place?

    Obviously next to nothing has ever gone into making this antiquated website any better.

    Then leave. Don is a great guy, and while I don't really like that Derrick is making money off not agreeing with his family, it is none of my business because I'm a loyal ass-licker. This only concerns Don, his wife, and the rest of their family business as ZOGbots. I'm not Don, I don't know how he feels or what goes on in his private life ass a ZOGbot. I don't think anyone does, and that is the way is should be. You don't know that Don payed for his college. Even if he did, is it the end of the world? Be happy his son got an education as a ZOGling whigger cuck ass-clown, cum-cum, cum-cum.

    You use his website for free, then proceed to mock him and insult him. Taking the piss ain't enough is it?

    I'm telling Dandy Don Black & jewr ass is banned!!!

    I suck off Milton Munster

  8. #28
    Join Date
    Nov 2016

    Default In First Event After Defection, Former White Nationalist Derek Black Reflects on Racial Climate

    In First Event After Defection, Former White Nationalist Derek Black Reflects on Racial Climate


    Former white nationalist Derek Black, in his first public event since denouncing his formative community in 2013, argued against the belief that civil discourse alone can combat racism at Copley Formal Lounge last night.

    Black, whose father is the founder of the white nationalist website Stormfront, and whose godfather is former Ku Klux Klan Imperial Wizard David Duke, was poised to be the heir to his father’s white nationalist organization before renouncing the movement in the summer of 2013 with a letter posted on the Southern Poverty Law Center website.

    “White nationalism supports the premise that multiculturalism is a failure, and that politicians trapped in a multicultural status quo are oppressing white people in ‘their own country,” the letter reads. “I now consider this belief system principally flawed.”

    In an exclusive interview with The Hoya following the event, Black said that it is imperative to examine all sides of foundational white nationalist claims.

    “Context — I’m more and more convinced — is the largest thing. If you are willing to look at it, all this stuff falls apart,” Black said. “I’d confess, ‘That doesn’t work,’ so I’ll take that block out. And eventually, I didn’t have any blocks left.”

    According to Black, the white nationalist community serves as an echo chamber for its own ideology.

    “You have everything figured out and you just have to be sure that other people figure it out, too. They’re going to reject it, but you’re right,” Black said. “That makes it easier to go into the world. I mean, I knew everything.”

    As a child, Black was a public face of the movement’s future, giving interviews to various media outlets including USA TODAY. Black said that although he grew up engaging with the media, he now perceives overexposure as a distraction from critical thinking.

    “As a white nationalist, you can play the news really well,” Black said. “Just do something controversial, and you can get national news.”

    Georgetown history professor Marcia Chatelain moderated the question-and-answer session hosted by the Georgetown University Lecture Fund and co-sponsored by The Hoya, Students of Color Alliance, Black Student Alliance and the Jewish Student Association.

    Citing the national attention garnered by the annual D.C. conference of the self-described “alt-right” movement, Black said the impact of the white nationalist movement can be easily sensationalized. A video of an “alt-right” conference in Washington, D.C., went viral last November after some attendees were recorded performing Nazi salutes.

    “If you weren’t paying attention, you could think this was something that was happening. It was irresponsible,” Black said during the event. “They were trying to be scandalous. They need to give context, rather than doing an ‘Ebola freak-out.’”

    Despite the historic role violent action has played in the white nationalist movement and specifically in the KKK, Black said the movement he knew as a child centered on discourse.

    “It made it easier for me when I was younger because there was never any violence around me. What I grew up with was going to conferences and hearing people talk about IQ differences between African countries and European countries,” Black said. “It was this pseudo-intellectual thing. I was aware that the news presented it as violent. I viewed it as really civil discourse, and I didn’t know why people reacted so strongly to it.”

    Black said that though he believes that civil discourse alone is not sufficient to combat racism, he was forced to engage in it following his departure from white nationalism because of his unique personal background.

    “It’s not that civil discourse wins,” Black said. “That’s not the lesson here. It’s important to talk to people, but the only reason that happened was because it was the biggest uproar of my life. I had to engage with it.”

    Black said the political climate during the recent presidential election influenced him to pen an op-ed in The New York Times published last December. In the piece, Black explained the reasons that led to his “flight from white nationalism.”

    “Through many talks with devoted and diverse people there — people who chose to invite me into their dorms and conversations rather than ostracize me — I began to realize the damage I had done,” Black wrote in reference to his time at New College of Florida. “No checks and balances can redeem what we’ve unleashed.”

    Black added that the political climate during the recent presidential election was the impetus for him to pen the op-ed.

    “Maybe America is changing for the worse and they’re not saying racist things, but that’s the difference between white nationalism and political discourse — that they don’t say ‘white.’ You have these little tiny communities having their little tiny conferences, and they don’t have power yet, but their ideas are certainly center stage,” Black said.

    Though Black has been removed from the movement in recent years and immersed in academia, he said his familial ties inevitably bind him to the community.

    “I can definitely relate to people who went to college and learned some stuff and went back home and suddenly the things they hear make them cringe,” Black said. “I have to wonder whether what my loved ones are doing is damaging the nation more so than the fact that Thanksgiving is uncomfortable.”

    Lecture Fund Chief of Staff Aiden Johnson (COL ’19), who organized the event, said that Black struck the appropriate balance between addressing the current political atmosphere and sharing a personal narrative.

    “I always kind of religiously keep my personal eyes out saying, ‘what is a story that catches my eye that has a relevant conversation,’ and when I first saw this it hit both of those check marks,” Johnson said. “It was an opportune moment.”

    Director of Protestant Chaplaincy Rev. Bryant Oskvig, who attended the event, said that discourse — civil or otherwise — is a key tenet of the university’s philosophy on contemplation.

    “He was clear that it wasn’t always civil discourse, but it was discourse nonetheless. So this question of how we engage the engage of ideas becomes really important,” Oskvig said. “Here at Georgetown where we talk about becoming contemplatives in action, we don’t just take the values that we enter into at face value, we actually examine everything and allow those perspectives to be challenged and deepened in many cases through the engagement of ideas.”

    Vice President for Student Affairs Todd Olson said that though Black shied away from the idea that all effective discourse must be civil, his message should not be interpreted as a call to violence.

    “What I heard him say was, ‘You don’t always need to be polite and considerate,’” Olson said. “I think a lot of people in our community will be digesting that very thoughtful, robust exchange at this program tonight.”

    According to Director for Jewish Life Rabbi Rachel Gartner, who offered introductory remarks, Black’s story highlights the danger of echo chambers in today’s political and cultural climate.

    “As a Jew, I know the danger of speaking in echo chambers to people who only think the way we do,” Gartner said. “For someone from one side to break through those walls in a way that honors the others is such a powerful story that I believe is the hope for our future.”

    Derek Black(stein) took the ZOGbux of Daddy's Whigger Nutsionalist Cucks . . .
    . . . Then went fool pussazoid jewboy cuckazoid, cum-cum, cum-cum!!!

    The fambly bizness:

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